Since Dr. Jurewicz’s article has been published, I shall not here attempt to reproduce her very rich argument, but only to give its gist. As an example, I quote from publications of a modern Buddhist author from Sri Lanka, G. H. de Zoysa. and as Heinz Bechert asserts, is “accepted by the Sinhalese Buddhists of Sri Lanka as well as by Theravada Buddhists in Southeast Asia. ” to which we will return Space obviously would not permit a full review of the wide range of papers included in these volumes. Let us then simply note that … “that Buddha died within a few years of 480 B. C. – to quote from the Cambridge History of India In addition to the individuals cited above, studies by Etienne Lamotte, Hajime Nakamura, P. H. Eggermont, Gananath Obeyesekere, Akira Hirakawa, K. R. Norman, Oskar von Hinuber, Richard Gombrich, David Seyfort Ruegg, and many others are considered. Therefore various attempts have been made to read a workable consensus, but the majority of South Asian and Western scholars on the one hand and that of Japanese scholars on the other remain divided over the issue. .. the number of years that passed between the death of the Buddha and the appearance of Asoka was 116
In his learned paper, he discusses the history of research in this field with rich bibliography information not before the first century BC is there any evidence that the years of events were recorded in well-defined eras In this context, I should also like to quote the relevant remark by T. W. Rhys Davids in The Cambridge History of India: Here we read: A few salient facts about the history of NE Thailand must be set out before we can examine the millennialism that occurred in the area. We shall illustrate this with the case of Ceylon.
This statement is generally intertwined with a story that the Buddhist teachings would have survived for a full 1,000 years, were it not for the Buddha’s decision to admit women to the monastic order. With regard to Buddhism, Weber himself referred to the assimilation … These types however, as Weber formulated them, were pure theoretical types: and ‘only a few religions of salvations’, he emphasized, ‘have produced a single pure solution’ ‘Whenever such a pure type was produced’, he observed, ‘it lasted for only a little while In this paper we shall concentrate our attention on Theravada
Both the belief in the Bodhisattava Maitreya and the belief in “persons-who-have-merit” obviously lend themselves to millennial interpretation. It is also noteworthy that this day was the full-moon day of Vesakha (Wesak), reference to which “recurs consistently throughout the chronicles at moments of “significant occurrences” (Greenwald 15). The later reckoning, the Buddhavarsha or “years of Buddha”, with its initial point in B. C. 544, does not figure in the Dipavamsa and the Mahavamsa. Before answering these questions, we are of the opinion that we should have a better understanding of the background as to how this episode came into being.
To achieve this end, we can do no better than refer the reader to the original statement made by Fei Chang-fang in 597 A. D. , in the 11th chapter of his Li-tai san-pao chi (15a). A translation of the relevant passage is given below: The second is even more interesting. For here, our attention is brought back to the cremation-rites mentioned above: convenient / dependable unit of time In the introduction, I discussed the representations of the medieval polity by the historians Southern and Swanson.
I will here briefly revisit that discussion to suggest how the distinction between the terms religion and secular, on the one hand, and sacred and profane, on the other, might help the modern reader to get a clearer picture of that polity. It will still only be an act of the imagination, to be sure, but I believe it does bring greater—if only relatively greater—clarity. Of particular relevance for the manuscript tradition is that the Dhammayutikanikaya emphasized the use of canonical and commentarial texts as handed down through the Mahavihara school of Theravada.
Here I shall draw on the work of Richard Gombrich, Winston L. King, Donald Swearer and Francois Bizot, writing on the Theravada Buddhism of Sri Lanka, Burma, Thailand and Cambodia respectively. Winston L. King likewise describes Dipa expresses King summarises Like Gombrich, King points out that The views of Gombrich and King, echoed by the These stories confirm the dichotomy between the affective and doctrinal positions outlined by Gombrich and King. Nevertheless, the consecration rituals of new Buddha statues in Thailand and Cambodia, as described by Swearer and Bizot
This consecration text therefore supports two beliefs mentioned by Gombrich. In this story, the Buddha authorizes the Buddha image as the protector of the Dhamma for its duration and as a source of salvation for all beings. … a remarkable story was in circulation. However, he remarks that Luang Pu Waen has himself neither confirmed nor denied the story; in fact, the saint was himself perplexed by the event that is alleged to have taken place. Such experiences may have the form of a direct encounter with the king, often through a portrait.
This article will address the potential of portraits in a personality cult, specifically for such spiritual encounters. The 1990s, the years in which King Chulalongkorn evolved from a historical figure to a widely venerated saint, were a period of fundamental social, cultural, and economic change in Thailand and may therefore be understood as a period of profound processes of local identity formation. Taking the King Chulalongkorn cult as its focus, this article addresses the specific capacities of portraits as, to paraphrase Meyer, “objectifications mediating religious experience”.
For a better understanding of the potential of sacred portraits in evoking, in Meyer’s words, “religious sensations”, I will elaborate on Walter Benjamin’s concept of aura, in particular in relation to his ideas on the nature of photographic portraiture, exploring the complex relationships between the person portrayed, the portrait, and its beholder. Adding one significant shift, Benajamin’s line of reasoning in his analysis of the role of portraits in remembering friends and relatives, applies well to the role of portraits in personality cults.
The temple has even become a major tourist attraction, as have Wat Phra Sing and Wat Suan Dok in Chiang Mai, Wat Hariphunchai in Lamphun, and Wat Phrathat Doi Tung in Chiang Rai, also renovated under Khruba Sri Wichai’s leadership. Frequently he will see people prostrating themselves before an image, offering flowers and incense, and displaying every sign of fervent devotion. Such sacralized objects can be of many sorts: Buddha images, medallions or coins (rian) of persons and emblems with imprints, clay tablets with similar imprints, animal and bird shapes, and so on.
To fully comprehend why there is an obsession in contemporary Thailand with amulets possessing power (saksit) (especially among urban circles and populations and among men rather than women), one has to bring into view the texture of its social relations, which are woven on the loom of portion-client relations, and the norms of bunkhun, by which leaders and men of rank and power bind in service circles of clients and retainers.
The questions of what beliefs the wearers and possessors of amulets hold about them, what virtues and powers they attribute to them, and, moreover, how these notions relate to “orthodox” Buddhist doctrine, are complex for the reason – not unfamiliar to students of complex societies – that they are many levels of meaning that attach to the words and acts of persons differentiated by status, late, written or oral, canonical or noncanonical – carry ambiguities and multiple implications. amulets with his portrait
Still today, amulets with his portrait are as popular as ever, while numerous statues and images of the monk continue to bear witness to his fame in the North. Best known of these monuments is probably the large bronze statue in the shrine near the Huai Kaeo waterfall. The views of these two informants advert to many matters and issues: to the importance of intentionality and ethical behaviour on the part of an amulet possessor, to the amulet being a “reminder” of the Buddha’s person and virtues, to the rite of sacralization of the amulet by an elderly and virtuous monk, and so on.
Because these views were held by the informants as being concordant with the “Buddha sasana”, let us see what earlier texts and formulations have to say about the worship of the Buddha’s relics and images and other sacred objects associated with him. Ban Pang’s village temple, of which Khruba Sri Wichai was the abbot for many years, in on the top of a hill and surrounded by paddy fileds and orchards.
However, a large collections of paraphernalia is exhibited, along with numerous amulets and photographs about Sri Wichai’s life. The image, Phra Buddha Sihing was then moved to be enshrined in this temple, which was again renamed as Wat Phra Singha, in accordance with the Buddha image. Asking why King Chulalongkorn became an object of worship so long after his death is asking how this king is presently remembered, and how this memory is shaped
But besides this more “functional” approach, there is another dimension to it, which reaches beyond the concrete, separate, material portraits For the purposes of this study …. In this article I have generally romanized Buddhist terms according to their Pali (rather than Thai) spelling, i. e. bodhisatta (Thai: phothisat), parami (Thai: barami), dhamma (Thai: tham), etc. To illustrate this point further ….